We go further than that: we don't propose to disturb it where, in one
instance, we think the Constitution would permit us. We think the
Constitution would permit us to disturb it in the District of Columbia.
Still we do not propose to do that, unless it should be in terms which I
don't suppose the nation is very likely soon to agree to--the terms of
making the emancipation gradual and compensating the unwilling owners.
Where we suppose we have the constitutional right, we restrain ourselves
in reference to the actual existence of the institution and the
difficulties thrown about it. We also oppose it as an evil so far as it
seeks to spread itself. We insist on the policy that shall restrict it
to its present limits. We don't suppose that in doing this we violate
anything due to the actual presence of the institution, or anything due
to the constitutional guaranties thrown around it.
We oppose the Dred Scott decision in a certain way, upon which I ought
perhaps to address you in a few words. We do not propose that when Dred
Scott has been decided to be a slave by the court, we, as a mob, will
decide him to be free.
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